We, the undersigned Sudanese, African, and Arab organizations, stand united in our commitment to the people of Sudan after more than one thousand days of war. The conflict has accelerated state disintegration and systematic atrocities, while the international community remains incapable of preventing the return of genocide, widespread atrocities, and the weaponization of the justice system. We demand an immediate end to external arms flows that sustain this machinery of brutality and call for a peace process that is not a bargain between warlords, but a transition to inclusive, civilian rule. For nearly three years, the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) and the Rapid Support Forces (RSF), backed by regional actors, have waged a ruthless war at the expense of civilians, driven by a struggle for power and resources that derailed Sudan’s civilian democratic transition. 

Evidence indicates sustained external military support to both parties, including via regional transit hubs, has prolonged the conflict and enabled atrocities, with the United Arab Emirates acting as the primary gateway to smuggle weapons and funds into Sudan to the RSF, which is accused of committing war crimes, crimes against humanity, and possibly the crime of genocide.   Meanwhile, Egypt, Saudi Arabia, Turkey and other states have increased military support for the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF), who have also been accused of committing war crimes and  other grave human rights violations. Little has been done to identify or hold to account the UAE and other governments providing support and weapons to those perpetrating atrocities.

The war has inflicted catastrophic civilian harm and a near-total erosion of the right to life and security. Available conflict-monitoring data indicates that in 2025 alone, conflict-related violence killed more than 17,000 people across Sudan. ACLED’s 2025 Conflict Index ranked Sudan as the second extreme and the second deadliest conflict in the world, surpassed only by the Russia-Ukraine war. Since April 2023, the overall death toll is widely estimated to be at least 150,000—predominantly civilians—though the true figure may be significantly higher.

Meanwhile, Sudan’s judiciary has been systematically weaponized to criminalize humanitarian action, silence dissent, and intimidate displaced persons and perceived opponents. Across multiple jurisdictions, proceedings marked by due process violations have produced death sentences and long prison terms based on coerced or fabricated evidence, political retaliation, or ethnic profiling, reflecting a collapse of judicial independence. This pattern of judicial persecution functions as an extension of the war effort; deepening social fractures, entrenching impunity for armed actors, and deterring civilians from providing aid, documenting abuses, or exercising basic civic freedoms.     

Conflict-related sexual violence (CRSV) has been utilized as a deliberate tactic of warfare across Sudan to terrorize, humiliate, and displace civilian populations, with evidence indicating that the RSF are responsible for the majority of the systematic attacks. These acts constitute grave international crimes that leave indelible scars on survivors and the nation's social fabric, and demand immediate accountability for both the perpetrators and their commanders. Beyond the cases verified by credible Sudanese NGOs, the UN Designated Expert on Human Rights in Sudan documented over 390 cases of rape and gang rape as of late 2025. This figure represents only a fraction of the actual scale of violence, as the total collapse of protection services and the social and security costs of reporting keep many survivors in the shadows. 

Ethnic cleansing and genocidal acts have been documented in at least West and North Darfur. Some of our organizations and others have documented egregious violations over the 1000-day span of warfare, including intentional direct attacks against civilian populations and objects by the RSF in Khartoum, Sennar, Kordofan and Gezira. Both warring parties are perpetrators of unlawful killings, arbitrary arrests and detention, enforced disappearances, and countless acts of torture and cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment. While the SAF has used traditional aerial bombardment, both parties have used drones and heavy artillery on residential neighborhoods, markets, and hospitals. In June 2023, the RSF targeted non-Arab groups, particularly the Masalit, Fur, Zaghawa and others in West Darfur, with killings and persecution that amount to genocide. IDP camps around El Fasher, hosting victims displaced since 2003-2005, were the target of brutal attacks by the RSF in 2025 as part of their campaign to control the city.

In reprisal attacks following the recapture of Wad Madani in January 2025, SAF affiliated militias, including the Dire' Al Sudan (Sudan Shield) Forces, committed a systematic pattern of extrajudicial executions, torture, and arbitrary detention of thousands of unarmed civilians including reports of individuals being burned alive in their homes. Reports and widely circulated video footages documented shocking incidents where the residents of 'Kanabi' (agricultural laborers’ camps) were targeted for their ethnic origin, particularly those from Tama, Fur, Zaghawa, Massalit and Misseriya groups, under the unsubstantiated pretext of 'collaboration with the RSF'. The de facto government bears ultimate State responsibility for these international crimes as they failed to investigate and instead integrated commanders responsible for heinous abuses, reinforcing a deep-seated culture of impunity. 

In late October 2025, after more than 18 months under siege, the RSF took control of El Fasher, the capital of North Darfur and the last major SAF stronghold in Darfur. Since the RSF’s capture of El Fasher on 26 October 2025, credible reports have emerged revealing widespread atrocities including summary executions, house-to-house raids, attacks on civilians fleeing along escape routes, and kidnapping-for-ransom. Further, the World Health Organization (WHO) reported that more than 460 patients and their companions were killed at the Saudi Maternity Hospital during the RSF takeover. 

Following the capture, tens of thousands of civilians fled toward towns like Tawila in Noarth Darfur, (approximately 70 km west of El Fasher) and Al Afad camp in the Northern State (approximately 650 km North-East of El Fasher). The former has become a major hub for an estimated 1.5 million of displaced persons, while the latter shelters between 18,000 and 30,000 IDPs. According to local sources, the conditions in both camps are dire, with severe shortages of food, water, shelter, and medical care.

The situation in Kordofan in Western Sudan remains a matter of grave concern. Fighting in the region has displaced 65,000 people in the span of three months. Kadugli and El Dalang cities have been under siege by the RSF and SPLM-North for almost two years. Recent testimonies from South Kordofan indicate that severe siege conditions have caused Kadugli and Al Dalang to be nearly depopulated by mass displacement. However, the impact of the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) breaking the siege and reopening the road to Al Dalang this week remains to be assessed."

Compounding these disasters, the humanitarian catastrophe was met with inaction globally. The conflict has created the world's largest hunger crisis and most significant displacement emergency. According to the World Food Programme (WFP), 21.2 million people face acute hunger, while over 13 million people have been forced from their homes (9.3 million displaced internally, and 4.3 million living as refugees).  

The scale of suffering reflects not only the failure of the warring parties to protect civilians and the inadequate international response, but also the inability of regional institutions, both the League of Arab States and the African Union, and international actors to impose meaningful consequences or mobilize adequate protection and assistance. The result is a devastating double standard: victims in Sudan are met with expressions of concern while atrocities continue with impunity.

Nevertheless, the true spirit of Sudan survives through the extraordinary defiance of its people. Despite the collapse of formal humanitarian systems, Sudanese communities have kept people alive through youth-led emergency response rooms and grassroots mutual aid networks. Volunteers, including medical staff, students, and local professionals, continue to provide essential services and evacuation support under extreme risk. Any credible peace process must be rooted in, and led by, Sudanese people rather than negotiated solely between armed actors behind closed doors.

Recommendations

To the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) and the Rapid Support Forces (RSF)

• Immediately cease attacks on residential areas and critical infrastructure, including markets, electricity, and water facilities.

• Grant ‘full and unfettered access’ to international investigators, including the UN Fact-Finding Mission and the OPCW, to collect vital evidence without delay.

• The RSF must release all civilian detainees, end extrajudicial killings, and hold perpetrators accountable. The SAF must stop weaponizing courts and cease arrests based on ethnic identity or political affiliation.

• Establish and respect safe zones and neutral humanitarian corridors for aid distribution, particularly in besieged areas like Kadugli and El Dalang.

To Regional Powers and Sudan Neighbours 

• Strictly adhere to UNSC Resolution 2791 (2025), prohibiting the supply, sale, or transfer of weapons and military technology to the warring parties.

• Host countries, including Chad, Egypt, South Sudan, Libya, Ethiopia, and Eritrea, must maintain open borders and ensure the principle of non-refoulement. They must allow civil society to mobilize support in accordance with international law.

• Facilitate the safe flow of cross-border aid and support for local mutual aid networks.

To the International Community:

• The UN Security Council must adopt a comprehensive resolution incorporating an enforceable mechanism to protect civilians and ensure justice and accountability.

• The ICC must expedite ongoing investigations and issue necessary indictments. UN member states must rigorously support the implementation of outstanding warrants.

• The UN Human Rights Council must act on the recommendations of the Fact-Finding Mission and adopt measures in follow-up to the November 2025 Resolution on El Fasher.

• UN Member States must secure a massive funding increase to urgently bridge the humanitarian gap.

Signatory organisations:

1. Sudanese  Human Rights Monitor (SHRM)

2. Cairo Institute for Human Rights Studies 

3. Access

4. Access Center for Human Rights (ACHR)

5. Adala For All

6. Adeela for Culture and Art

7. African Centre for Justice and Peace Studies 

8. Alharisat organization

9. Alliance of Civil Forces for Eastern Sudan

10. Asmaa Society for Development

11. Association for Freedom of Thought and Expression for Human Rights (AFTE)

12. Association Tchadienne pour la Promotion et la Défense des Droits de l'Homme

13. Aswat Media Network

14. ATPDH, TCHAD

15. Collectif de sauvegarde de Ligue Algérienne pour la Défense des Droits de l'Homme

16. Committee for Justice (CFJ)

17. Darfur Bar Association (DBA)

18. Democratic Civil Society Platform- Sudan

19. DITSHWANELO - The Botswana Centre for Human Rights, Botswana

20. Egyptian Front for Human Rights

21. Egyptian Human Rights Forum (EHRF)

22. Egyptian Initiative for Personal Rights (EIPR)

23. Ethiopian Human Rights Council (EHRCO)

24. Foundation for the promotion of rights

25. Groupe LOTUS, RDC.

26. Intersection Association for Rights and Freedoms

27. Justice Africa Sudan

28. Justitia Center for the Legal Protection of Human Rights in Algeria

29. Kenya Human Rights Commission

30. La Ligue Ivoirienne des Droits de l'Homme (LIDHO)

31. Law and Democracy Support Foundation (LDSF)

32. Lawyers for Human Rights, South Africa

33. LDDH Djibouti

34. Legal Agenda

35. Legal and Human Rights Centre Tanzania

36. Libyan Organization for Legal Aid

37. Ligue Burundaise des droits de l'homme Iteka

38. Ligue Ivoirienne des Droits de l'Homme (LIDHO), Côte d'Ivoire

39. Mansam - Women Political and Civil Groups

40. NO“ To Women’s Oppression

41. Observatoire Congolais des Droits de l'Homme, République du Congo

42. Riposte internationale

43. Sinai Foundation for Human Rights (SFHR)

44. Social Accountability Association

45. Strategic Initiative for Women in the Horn of Africa Network

46. Sudan Democracy First Group

47. Sudan Human Rights Hub (SHRH)

48. Sudan Human Rights Network (SHRN)

49. Sudanese Group for Defending Rights and Freedoms

50. Sudanese Group for Democracy and Rights

51. Sudanese organization for justice and human rights

52. Sudanese Women in Diaspora Against the War

53. Synergy Association for Victims

54. Syrians for Truth and Justice - STJ

55. Taafi initiative

56. Tunisian Forum for Economic and Social Rights

57. Victim's Voices Senegal

58. Women Against Injustice

59. Women Now for Development Lebanon

60. Yemen Future for Culture and Media Development

61. Yemeni Coalition for Human Rights

62. Zimrights Zimbabwe Human Rights Association, Zimbabwe